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| Thank You Ma Am, By Langston Hughes | 3 days ago · On this week’s episode of Yeah Nah, we talk to Eviane Leidig about Hindutva, India and the far-right. Evian is an Affiliate at the Center for Research on Extremism in Oslo, and her ‘doctoral dissertation traced transnational connections of the far right between India and the West, particularly through Indian diaspora supporters of Brexit and Trump in the UK and US’. 1 day ago · - False Assumptions Ethnocentrism and Cultural Imposition Madeleine Leiningers Theory of Culture Care and its Place in Aotearoa; - Leiningers Critique Response to Coups Article on Cultural Safety (Ramsden) and Culturally Congruent Care (Leininger) for Practice. 2 days ago · In The Andes Imagined, Jorge Coronado not only examines but also recasts the indigenismo movement of the early s. Coronado departs from the common critical conception of indigenismo as rooted in novels and short stories, and instead analyzes an expansive range of work in poetry, essays, letters, newspaper writing, and photography. He uses this evidence to show how the . |
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This week, Turkish troops and their local Islamist allies crossed the border in the name of protecting Turkey from Kurdish-led militants it denounces as terrorists. The US, ostensibly an ally of the Kurds, has granted Turkey a free hand to bomb the region at its leisure, and has assisted Turkey by closing off the border crossings with Iraq, and along the Euphrates. To understand the conflict holistically means we need to go far back into history, before capitalism, and before the ethno-nationalism it fostered could tear the region apart. Pre-Capitalist History Prior to the spread of Islam in the s, the region known as The Levant, or Lebanon, Palestine and Syria, was home to a number of competing religions. Greek Orthodox Christianity, Syriac Christianity, and Zoroastrianism an ancient precursor to modern monotheistic religions were all practiced across the region, along with smaller religions that can be traced back to the earliest human cities in Mesopotamia, such as the Yazidi religion. Most of these religions are still practiced by minorities in the region today, with the exception of Zoroastrianism which has been reduced to tiny enclaves much farther east. In pre-capitalist times, humans have understood cultural differences quite differently to how we do today. Religious and cultural practice was a much more important and tangible aspect of identity. When Islam spread across the region, many Levantine peoples welcomed it because of its similarities to local forms of Christian iconoclasm meaning religious opposition to figurative representation of the divine.One reason is political. We need to form principled, collaborative relationships with our Latin American comrades to fight global capitalism globally and, to do so, we obviously need be able to identify our real comrades among the countless groups in the region that make claims upon our solidarity.
Should we adopt the Zapatista ski-mask as our emblem or devoutly align ourselves with small anarchist groups? A genuine confrontation with these questions requires a deep appreciation of the history of Latin American opposition and certainly the anarchist movement has played a significant role in this history.
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It is necessary to understand how these conditions affect the form and content of anarchist activity. For example, clearly Belgian Aotearoa Feminist Theory Bolivian anarchist movements will have different characteristics, but exactly what type of differences and why? Certainly a good way to begin exploring these questions is by looking at the actual experience of anarchist movements in Asia, Africa, or, in the case of this review, Latin America. Finally, the Latino identity is central to economic and cultural contradictions in the United States.
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Of course it is a positive source of community, learn more here, and sense of self for millions of Latinos within U. The constantly changing meaning of the Latino identity is highly dependent upon ideas about the history of Latin America and radicals can encourage the most expansive, utopian elements of this identity by making sure that liberatory historical experiences in the Americas are not forgotten. Unfortunately those who try to research the Latin American anarchist tradition will immediately discover that the historical literature on the movement is remarkably poor.
There are no books on the topic in English or Portuguese and only five in Spanish, of which one is an anthology and another is a very brief overview. Of course the existence of the anarchist tradition—a revolutionary, anti-authoritarian alternative—complicates their assertions. Thus contemporary anarchists are obliged to undertake a major reconstructive effort to restore anarchism to its proper place in the history of the Americas and the three books reviewed here are among the best on the subject. Their authors defiantly and unanimously assert that the anarchist movement Aotearoa Feminist Theory a vital actor in early twentieth century social history.
Indeed, between the revolutionary unions, schools, daily newspapers, and other projects, these authors paint a picture of a profoundly dynamic anarchist movement, especially in Argentina, Chile, Brazil, and Uruguay. In other words, anarchism allows workers to become conscious of their power as workers, defend their immediate interests, and fight to revolutionize society as a whole. His study of Colombian anarchism, which makes up nearly half of the book, is a welcome contribution Aotearoa Feminist Theory that Colombia has received scant attention in existing studies Aotearoa Feminist Theory Latin American anarchism.
These books document the history of anarchism in Latin America but have a special focus on the movement in Chile. Vitale is a renowned Trotskyist author of Chilean citizenship who participated in the anarchist movement in his native Argentina as a young man.
The first treats the origins or pre-history of anarchism in Latin America i. This section, which is the longest part of the book, contains brief commentary sometimes no more than three or four paragraphs on anarchism in Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, Peru, Mexico, Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Aotearoa Feminist Theory Rica, and Colombia. Theorh final section analyzes the history of the anarchist movement in Chile from the end of the 19th century to the s.
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Although Vitale also places anarchism squarely within the labor movement, his focus is slightly different: he understands anarchism less as an expression of class interests and more as a utopian movement that seeks to reconstruct society along radically democratic, communitarian lines. Accordingly, he locates anarchism at both the beginning and end of industrial capitalism. Vitale shows how anarchists not only fought for the immediate interests of the working class but also created a broad culture of resistance that challenged the fundaments of the social order with a deeply democratic politics.
Vitale also notes that anarchists were leaders in anti-militarist campaigns, the first to oppose compulsory military service, and among the first on Aotearoa Feminist Theory Left to collaborate with militant neighborhood organizations. As for university struggles, Vitale notes that the movement for university reform was led by anarchists in Chile and in Argentina and that anarchists were also Aotearoa Feminist Theory of the first process of university reform in Latin America. As a whole, he paints an image of a movement engaged in the broadest possible opposition to the status quo and one that struggled to democratize all aspects of social life, from the economic to the cultural realms, from the private to the political arenas. Ortiz combines a narrative flare with an academic rigor, and thus his essays are both a pleasure to read and rich in a scholarly sense although the book is an anthology of his essays and, hence, not particularly systematic.
The book is really a montage of quotes and seems more like the preparation for a book than a finished book per se. They also locate anarchism within the labor movement, but they are concerned primarily with its cultural elements, particularly its ability to provide the cornerstone of a productive counter-culture around which revolutionaries and dissents could gather.
Ortiz focuses on anarchists who transformed Chilean culture in various ways and, more often than not, anarchists who transformed the culture not through their explicitly anarchist activities but Aotearoa Feminist Theory activities that were somehow Aotearoa Feminist Theory to their political convictions.]
Excuse, that I interfere, but, in my opinion, this theme is not so actual.